
Political narratives, if left unchallenged, can tip the balance of an election. AIADMK General Secretary Edappadi K. Palaniswami seems to realize this more than anyone else in the Tamil Nadu constituency this election season.
Ever since he reluctantly returned to the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) last April at the behest of BJP chief poll strategist and Union Home Minister Amit Shah, Mr Palaniswami has been under attack from his rivals, especially the ruling DMK and its allies.
Over the past few years, the DMK front has built a strong political narrative that projects the AIADMK leadership as subservient to the BJP and the Narendra Modi-led union government.
This perception was reinforced by the decision of the former AIADMK government, led by O. Panneerselvam and Mr. Palaniswami, to adopt certain central schemes that Jayalalithaa, their predecessor, had strongly opposed during her lifetime. This included the Ujwal DISCOM Assurance Yojana (UDAY), which Tamil Nadu joined in January 2017, just a month after her death.
Poll framed as Tamil Nadu vs Delhi
In recent times, the narrative has gained momentum after Mr Modi and Mr Shah repeatedly avoided supporting Mr Palaniswami as the chief ministerial face of the NDA in the upcoming assembly elections. Instead, the two leaders publicly defended the BJP-inclusive NDA government in Tamil Nadu, led by the AIADMK.
It is against this backdrop that DMK president and Chief Minister MK Stalin is trying to frame this Assembly election as a contest of Tamil Nadu against New Delhi.
Some leaders, including Congress MP B Manickam Tagore and State Transport Minister SS Sivasankar, have warned that Mr. Palaniswami could potentially become the Nith Kumar of Tamil Nadu. They suggest that the BJP might at some point force him to step down as chief minister, similar to Mr. Kumar who offered to resign as chief minister of Bihar.
Critics also point to developments in Maharashtra, where the splits in the Shiv Sena and Nationalist Congress Party are widely believed to have been fueled by the BJP.
‘indulgent behavior’
Mr. Stalin went so far as to accuse Mr. Palaniswami of offering “adimai sasanam (charter of slavery)” to the Union government.
Some of Mr. Palaniswami’s actions and developments within the NDA in Tamil Nadu have given weight to such criticism. For example, the AIADMK leader traveled to New Delhi twice to meet Mr. Shah to discuss the contours of an electoral alliance. This is a reversal of the typical process where leaders of national parties who have limited influence in the Dravidian state visit Tamil Nadu to negotiate alliances with dominant regional players.
Moreover, some allies such as TTV Dhinakaran of the Amma Makkal Munnetra Kazhagam sought to bypass the AIADMK altogether by dealing directly with the BJP on seat-sharing arrangements.
Push back
However, following this development, Mr. Palaniswami seems to have put a calibrated counter on this perception. He surprised many this week by arranging for NDA leaders — including Piyush Goyal (BJP), R. Anbumani (PMK) and Mr. Dhinakaran — to visit MGR Maaligai, the AIADMK headquarters in Chennai.
In their presence, Mr. Palaniswami took center stage and announced the number of seats allotted to each party, underscoring his authority within the alliance. He also brushed aside the remark that DMK leaders like Kanimozhi Karunanidhi had also flown to Delhi to meet Congress leader Rahul Gandhi.
In a subtle but significant signal, it gave the BJP 27 seats, one less than the DMK conceded to the Congress under pressure. He also concluded the NDA’s seat-sharing exercise ahead of the DMK, which this time faced a tougher task of convincing its allies to accept fewer seats. Going a step further, Mr. Palaniswami has already declared that the constituencies will be contested by allies and released the first list of 23 AIADMK candidates. He also resumed his campaign and canvassed for BJP’s Tamilisai Soundararajan in Chennai’s Mylapore constituency, even before her party formally announced its candidates.
More importantly, he conceded only one seat in Chennai district to the BJP, despite the party’s better performance in the region in the last Lok Sabha elections. He also allocated several constituencies to his allies that are currently represented by incumbent ministers, effectively shifting the burden of high-stakes contests to them.
The real test is yet to come
However, Tamil Congress leader Maanil (Moopanar) GK Vasan’s decision to field five candidates on the BJP’s lotus symbol, along with a similar move by another unit, effectively increased the BJP’s tally beyond what was formally allotted to it.
For those familiar with Mr. Palaniswami’s political trajectory, such maneuvers are not entirely surprising. He was, after all, the leader who managed to sideline Jayalalithaa’s longtime aide VK Sasikala despite her instrumental role in his elevation to the post of chief minister nine years ago. He has also established himself within the AIADMK by outmaneuvering leaders like Mr Panneerselvam and veteran KA Sengottaiyan.
His battle is far from over. His real test will come on May 4 when the votes are counted – and should his party come within striking distance of power, it remains to be seen whether he can resist the BJP’s desire to be a government partner.
Published – 26 March 2026 19:55 IST





