The idea that paved the way for the 73rd and 74th Amendments to the Indian Constitution, mandating 33% reservation for women in local self-governing institutions, was based on the fulcrum that political participation was the “master key” that would enable marginalized groups to unlock the doors of justice and legal protection.
Emphasizing equality at all levels of governance—from panchayat to parliament—India’s federal system recognized that meaningful participation must begin at the grassroots level.
Despite providing a system for women’s participation, a society deeply rooted in caste and patriarchy often overlooks their true potential and views them as mere ‘stand-ins’ or ‘stand-ins’ for their male relatives.
However, the reservation system for women, intended for women at all levels of society, has indeed served its purpose and generations of women have come to the fore, ready to claim their rightful space at various levels.
The state’s youngest panchayat president, R. Sharukala, is a living testament to this emerging, confident generation of powerful women in local governance. Elected to the Venkampatti Panchayat at just 22, the engineering graduate not only held the position; she embraced her role with a determination to succeed where many of her male predecessors had failed.
Mrs. Sharukala and residents at a Pongal event | Photo credit: Special arrangement
“I come from a humble family of farmers and teachers with no political background and my entry into politics was not accidental but a deliberate move to change my village,” he notes.
Bridging the gaps
Ms. Sharukala recalls a major milestone which was the annexation of the Muthammalpuram Scheduled Caste (SC) seat to the main village. “For over 30 years, the settlement was isolated by the dividing river, but with the support of the administration, we managed to successfully bridge the gap – literally and socially,” he says.
Although there was no direct opposition, administrative laxity in approving the required infrastructure required persistence and sustained legal follow-up to finally break the settlement’s decades-long isolation.
Ms. Sharukala also successfully utilized the 15th Finance Commission and Mines and Minerals Funds to ensure piped water connections to nearly 3,367 households in 23 villages.
While facing allegations of corruption by male officers and staff, all of which she dismissed as “baseless”, she mentally resolved not to lose ground.
Muffling of women’s voices
The journey of a woman panchayat leader is rarely easy. In many cases, it is even more challenging than what Ms. Sharukala had to endure. The experience of T. Panchavarnam, president of Sirukudi Panchayat in Sivaganga proves this.
Despite receiving the 2023 National Best Panchayat Village award from the President of India, Ms. Panchavarnam recalls persistent attempts by her male colleagues and political influencers to stifle her initiative and limit her ability to serve the people.
She won the reservation quota panchayat elections and says she pitted herself against members of her own community because of her opposition to following a corrupt “commission” system and her refusal to be a mere “stamp” for local power brokers.
Even for basic improvements such as laying roads, installing street lights and permitting projects, she had to navigate a labyrinth of bureaucratic delays and deep-rooted prejudices that sought to deny these basic services to marginalized households.
But now, she says, she has won over people from her community and others through consistent performance and providing visible development, which was long lacking in the panchayat.
Caste-gender dynamics
Bhuvaneshwari Perumal, a Dalit, started out as a mid-day meal organizer in a government school. She has now become the first woman president of the district panchayat board in Kallakurichi district.
She was elected unopposed to the 19-member district panchayat board during the indirect local body elections in October 2021.
Ms. Bhuvaneshwari recalls facing severe caste discrimination by the school authorities during her tenure as a mid-day meal organizer at a government school in Thiyagadurgam in the district. However, she continued to work and now has a number of successes to her credit that benefit the village.
T. Dravida Selvi, former vice-president of Kameshwaram panchayat in Nagapattinam district and the only representative of the fishing community among the nine-member panchayat, says her struggle was both inside and outside the panchayat. “In my own community, I was mocked for riding a two-wheeler. They said bikes were only for men. Later, the same people became comfortable and even started asking me for lifts!” supplies.
In the panchayat, he feels the barriers were more subtle. “Because I’m a woman from the fishing community, I rarely have the opportunity to speak. Discrimination is often silent – when I speak, they look elsewhere. You know they’re avoiding you, but it’s hard to prove,” she says. “One thing women still lack compared to men is the basic right to be heard.”
Enforcement agency
Reflecting on the numerous incidents of discrimination faced by women panchayat leaders, especially those from SC communities, even in performing basic tasks like hoisting flags, occupying their official residence and signing project consents, author, activist and researcher V Geetha says the system has not addressed such issues. While governments and NGOs once provided vigorous training and workshops for women leaders, these initiatives have since dwindled to a routine formality or ceased altogether.
But he is quick to say that even if there is no systemic revolution yet, the 33% reservation in Panchayats Raj institutions still represents a monumental shift. According to Ms. Geetha, women who were initially seen as representatives of their families often begin to assert their own agency once they master the administrative intricacies.
For those who believe that there has been no tangible change at the ground level in the past 30 years, he argues that much has changed in who can and does claim power when they have the right platform.
While women are often criticized for being under the influence of men and their political circles, the gradual progress in their participation must be seen alongside the extreme violence and systemic discrimination directed at Dalit women leaders.
Resistance to change
From the 1997 murder of Communist Party of India (Marxist) Madurai Corporation councilor K. Leelavathi to the 2011 murderous attack on Krishnaveni, a member of the Arundhathiyar caste and panchayat president (2006-2011) in North Thazhaiyuthu district of Tivaliturl region and recent president in Tivaliturelve province. denied the right to hoist the national flag on Independence Day, all these incidents serve as a reminder that while the law guarantees equality, the social fabric remains resistant to accepting the script.
Despite severe injuries, Ms. Krishnaveni survived the attack and decided to fight the attackers. She has opposed dominant caste men to build toilets for women and says that if promoting basic needs is a crime, then it is men who should hang their heads in shame, not the thousands of women leaders who are trying to assert their rights.
During the grueling 13-year legal battle, Ms. Krishnaveni faced constant threats and immense pressure to accept the settlement and withdraw the case. But she remained steadfast and declared, “I will not give up until justice is served.”
Her persistence was rewarded in 2024 when the Tirunelveli Special Court for SC/ST Cases sentenced six men to double life imprisonment, a verdict recently upheld by the Madras High Court.
G. Palanithurai, former professor at the Gandhigram Rural Institute’s Department of Political Science and Development Administration, says the practice of power capture has evolved across the country after the amendments brought significant and tangible changes in local governance. To some extent, it is no longer the preserve of elites and dominant caste groups who attempt to undermine the spirit of the law by using women and marginalized representatives as mere proxies for their vested interests.
While established power centers allow local leaders to meet basic needs such as roads and electricity, they fear any attempt to touch on “core” issues of social justice and land rights, which they see as a direct threat to caste dominance, he says.
But women who strengthen their position in the power structure often try to break the limits by going beyond the essential and touching on basic questions of social dignity.
Raising awareness
In one such attempt to take over a local body – the gram sabha – M. Subbulakshmi, panchayat president of Varaganoor panchayat in Tenkasi district, and S. Indhuja, panchayat vice-president, who received the best panchayat award from President Droupadi Murma in 2024, directed the Bala Mahilawo Sabilamen (Rada Bala Mahilawo Sabilaha council) to educate women and students about the importance of gram meetings sabha, 15 days before the actual gram sabha.
Talking about these efforts, Ms. Indhuja says, “As a woman panchayat leader, the first step is to understand the gram sabha itself. It is equally important to impart this knowledge to every woman and child in the panchayat to balance the democratic process.”
This practice does more than educate; promotes a sense of psychological security. It gives them the confidence to express their views freely, he adds, and reinforces the idea that the gram sabha is a platform designed specifically for their participation and empowerment.
The changing tides
The Federation of Tamil Nadu Women Panchayat Presidents was established in the early 2000s and played a key role in strengthening the constitutional mandate of local leaders. It allowed women to bypass local middlemen and build direct contact with the highest political figures, harnessing the collective power of the thousands of citizens they represented.
Political watchers who recognized the Federation’s potential to achieve collective bargaining power and transform the individual struggle for survival into a unified movement for systemic administrative reform viewed its growth as an existential threat, notes Dr. Palanithurai.
As a result, he says, there was a concerted effort to make the organization obsolete, ensuring that power remained fragmented and therefore more easily controlled.
However, K. Balabharathi, former MLA and state vice-president of the All India Democratic Women’s Association, says that the awareness created among women leaders and the public through NGOs, CSOs, political parties and governments cannot be completely overlooked as this collective effort has successfully shifted the narrative from mere token representation to active, informed participation in decision-making processes with increased agenda in decision-making processes.
“Although we still hear about discrimination against Dalit women leaders and interference in decision-making by members of the dominant caste, this should be seen alongside the media coverage of such incidents and taken as a sign that these deeply entrenched power structures are finally being challenged,” he points out.
“The increased visibility of such conflicts often stems from the fact that Dalit women are now more likely to assert their legal authority and refuse to remain silent in the face of traditional hierarchies,” she notes.
(With inputs from S. Prasad in Cuddalore and Nacchinarkkiniyan M. in Tiruchi)
