More than 3 million voters are expected to cast their votes on Thursday (January 15, 2026) as 29 civic bodies across Maharashtra go to polls. The term of office of most of the city corporations ends in 2019–2022 and since then these civic bodies are managed by administrators.
In Mumbai, the battle for the Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC) is a battle between three unusual coalitions – the Thackeray cousins (Raj and Uddhav) with Sharad Pawar’s NCP, the BJP-Shiv Sena and the Congress-Vanchit Bahujan Aghadi (VBA). Among the many firsts, voters will see two Shiv Senas and two NCPs in the fray along with Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS), BJP, Congress and smaller parties like AAP, SP, VBA, RPI(A).
A confusing coalition
“Who are the elections for? The voters or the political parties,” asks Mridul Nile, Associate Professor of Political Science, Mumbai University, adding, “Each party has its own client base. But with this kind of alliance, the voter will not be able to clearly and categorically follow their own political decisions.”
Dr. Nile warns that voters are becoming apathetic in the face of such unusual alliances, says Dr. Nile: “That’s why Congress decided to pull out of alliance with Shiv Sena (UBT) when MNS joined it. On one hand, Uddhav Thackrey is appeasing Muslims in a way and Raj Thackeray is against them. In such situations, you will find BJP at an advantage because they don’t have a clear ideology.” When asked about the Congress changing coalitions in Pune, he says, “The party will try to maximize its own position and in some places it is trying to get into these kinds of alliances. But mostly it doesn’t happen that way.”
Voters also expressed their confusion about the alliances. Shubhayan Bhattacharya, a resident of Mira Street and a first-time civic voter says, “If there are so many different, multi-cornered races, then it becomes difficult to decide because then you don’t know which way they will move after you elect them. Moreover, the candidates these parties field are not familiar faces. But what are their qualifications? You wouldn’t want to vote in local elections/candidates if he/she voted in local elections I. may have to go to a party.”
Similarly, Mumbai-based BJP supporter and builder Pradeep Surekha termed Thackeray’s alliance ‘unacceptable’, saying, “Shiv Sena and BJP are in coalition, that is acceptable. But in some places they are fighting against each other. We voters are confused. Thackeray-MNS alliance is anti-Indian, Ud Thackeray is pro-Muslim. Ud Thacker Ajit Pawar is with them (BJP-Sena) at Center and State, but it is fighting them here, in Pune etc. They (the parties) are trying to sell it just to get power.” There is no morality or ethics.’
However, clear decisions are emerging among the Sena’s core Marathi voters. Charushila Golam, a Mumbai-based Marathi writer says, “(Eknath) Shinde has been very operative in Mumbai. Be it Atal Setu or Samruddhi Expressway, he seems to have Mumbai’s interests at heart. This is because he has raised the ranks of the original Shiv Sena as a common man. When others have failed to meet expectations (S). Though he (Uddhav Thackeray) has done well in some areas, he lacks leadership in the party, the corporators of both the Senas will win because of their craft, not because of the party.”
Even in Chembur’s Lokhandemarg area, which has a strong Maratha voter base, Sena voters are clear. Sunanda, a domestic help, says, “We have always voted for Balasaheb Thackeray and will continue to support Uddhav.” While crediting former Congress MP Chandrakant Handore for being responsible for solving the water problems in the area, he affirms, “Thackeray has always stood up for us.
Ajinkya Gaikwad, Assistant Professor of Political Science, SIES College of Arts, Science and Commerce, says that in local elections, it is the candidate that matters and not the alliances a party enters into. “In places where quotas (women, SC/ST) are at stake, Shiv Sena (UBT) did not consider before distributing tickets. These people have now switched to BJP. A lower middle class voter would be very confident about the person they are voting for. And I think the voter turnout should be higher this time, considering there was a long hiatus despite the political turmoil and confusion.”
BMC remained with Shiv Sena since 1985 (except 1992-1996). However, the BJP has been steadily making inroads into the Sena’s turf as the demographics of the city have changed. In 2017, the BJP won 82 seats while the undivided Shiv Sena won 84 as the two contested alone. With the fall of the Shiv Sena-BJP alliance in 2019 and the Sena split in 2022, Mr Shinde has twice challenged Mr Uddhava Thackeray’s claim as the “true” Sena. In the Lok Sabha and Vidhan Sabha elections, Mr. Shinde overtook Mr. Uddhav Thackeray in terms of seat share, but Mr. Uddhav Thackeray won most of the seats in Mumbai where the two Senas clashed.
BJP and Shiv Sena woo their supporters and cling to Hindutva, pushing out “Bangladeshi infiltrators” as a major election agenda, ensuring that Mumbai has a “Marathi Hindu mayor”, promising rapid development of the city’s metro network and better housing for chawlas/slum dwellers. On the other hand, the Thackerays are campaigning on a unified ‘Marathi Manoos’ plank and have promised free electricity for up to 100 units, 100,000 affordable houses, property tax exemption for houses up to 700 sq ft, monthly cash transfer of ₹1,500 for domestic help and Koli women, self-employed and subsidized at ₹0. They also promised hospitals, ambulances, pet parks and education reforms.
The Marathi Manoos Factor
“In areas where Marathi chawls are present, the Shiv Sena-MNS will have an upper hand,” says Dr. Nile when asked how much he holds the plank of ‘Marathi manoos’. He adds, “Right from the start, they criticized Shinde Sena for not being loyal to the Maratha Manoos. The fact that Shinde Sena is with the BJP also gives him (Shinde) a bit of a North Indian touch. Obviously, Shinde Sena will not get as good a vote as both the Maharashis.”
However, he says there is deep discontent among the young Sena karyakatas (workers) aged 35-50 who built the party from among the people under the leadership of Balasaheb Thackeray. “These Sena (UBT) karyakartas are either going to BJP or Shinde Sena because of these unusual alliances, party strategy and ticket distribution. I think it is time for Shiv Sena (UBT) to think about why and how they want to handle this particular election.
“The Marathi versus non-Marathi issue will play a role only in areas where at least 60-70% of the ward population is Marathi,” says Dr. Gaikwad and gives the examples of Lalbaug and Parela. However, in areas with a mixed population like Kurla, Andheri or even Chembur, such a policy may be ineffective, he says, adding, “Since it is a matter of survival for the Shiv Sena (UBT) and the MNS, they are bound to woo the Marathi vote. The Shiv Sena (UBT) is counting on consolidating the Maratha voter base, which is largely divided among the four Ego parties. A non-Marathi voter has already visited the BJP or is asking Congress.”
Accountability, corruption and urban expansion
After three years under local government, voters are excited to elect their representative. “In the last six to seven months, voter surveys have shown that although bureaucratically run municipalities are effective, these officers do not listen to the concerns of citizens. There is a responsibility that a local politician can have. Although voter turnout in the Mumbai metropolitan area is generally not very high, I believe we can maintain it and surpass it by a few percent this time,” says Dr. Gaikwa.
Rapid urbanization with private players expanding across real estate in Mumbai has the interest of builders and voters alike. “During the COVID-19 lockdown, construction has slowed down, but in the last 2-3 years, massive projects have emerged. These new projects are being planned haphazardly and it is not clear how the infrastructure needs will be met. More buildings require more water. We are already facing daily water outages and we have no idea where the sewage and drainage system for the buildings will fit,” says Mr. reschahatta Mira, Mr. reschahatta.
With the absence of the corporator, he says there was no way to challenge these projects as the residents were not taken into confidence. “If we walk into the MBMC office, the bureaucrats say go and talk to the Thane office as it falls under them. In Thane, they say the orders have come from above. There is no accountability,” he adds. Mrs. Golamová also confirms his views. “Mumbai’s population has grown exponentially and needs better planning, not just expansion. Who sanctioned all these new buildings? You need to plan for better education of health facilities and day-to-day services like sewerage, water, electricity. If one person (Corporator) can’t be there for us, they need to create managers to do inspections regularly.”
On the builder side, real estate expansion has come with rampant corruption. As an industrialist looking for land in Mumbai’s MIDC area, Mr. Surekha says, “Corruption has always been prevalent in every (civic) organization. Earlier prices were ₹ 20-30 crore and now they are asking in crores. How will the industries come in? The BMC budget is bigger than that of smaller states like Goa alone or equal to the construction expenditure that Jharkhand expected. crores due to corruption.” He also cites illegal falconry and noise pollution as minor problems, which he believes his choice of corporator should address.
Air quality is not a problem yet
One issue that unfortunately remained in the minds of voters was air quality. Appearing in the top 10 to 15 most polluted cities in the world, Mumbai has an average air quality index (AQI) of 152.
The lack of concrete plans to tackle air pollution is evident from the parties’ manifestos themselves. “They talk about controlling AQI, but they want to reduce property taxes by 50% and distribute monthly transfers to women. If everything is free, how will the municipality function,” asks Dr. Nile.
Complains Ms Sumanda, a domestic helper: “The Ladki Bahin scheme, which sends ₹1,500 a month to women between the ages of 21 and 65, has also lost its appeal among voters. They send money but also increase food prices.”
Dr. Gaikwad says, “There is a perception among voters that we are better than other cities. Voters say we are at 150, while this and that city has 500 or 600. They have a relative comparison to make themselves feel better, and that is the bigger problem.” The political will also seems inconsistent on this issue. “Despite a prominent politician like Aaditya Thackeray talking about it, how many local candidates are really aware of these issues and aligned with their central leadership of this party,” he asks.
He concludes that environmental movements are led by a middle-class audience, saying, “The middle class feels a nuanced understanding of environmental jurisprudence or laws and their larger impacts. They are the ones who will deal with these issues, but more people from the lower middle class or lower strata may not find the environment dear because they will have existential or survival issues.”
Proving his point, Mrs. Sunanda says that all the parties who campaigned promise to install a dedicated water connection in her house.
