In Kerala, elections are as much about society as they are about politics. As the state approaches its next House of Commons election, parties are once again redrawing invisible lines as they compete to win the trust of communities and set the direction for social change.
One of the most prominent signs of this ebb and flow came during the local body elections of December 2025, when Central Travancore witnessed an unusual political experiment. The Bharatiya Janata Party has fielded a new batch of young Catholic candidates in a region where the community has long held electoral sway. Although Christian candidates have been a familiar presence in Kerala politics, the timing of the move stood out. This comes in the immediate aftermath of the arrest of two Catholic nuns in Chhattisgarh on charges of forced conversion, an incident that has unsettled the community.
The electoral move did not bring many results, most of these candidates failed. But politics is rarely just about instant victories. The signal the BJP was trying to send was clear and its implications are now being closely watched by rival fronts.
For the BJP, the focus in the state has clearly extended beyond its traditional Hindu base, which comprises around 53% of the total population. The party turned its attention to the Catholics (40% of the total Christian population) in central Travancore and tried to build bridges in a historically troubled region. Results in constituencies like Kanjirapally and Pala, where Union Minister George Kurian and party chief Shone George have been fielded, are expected to serve as a test of this reach.
Negotiated power sharing
“A section of the Syrian Catholic community, including some within the clergy, despite allegations of attacks on Christians and weaponization of laws to intimidate minorities, does not seem averse to joining the Sangh Parivar. It appears to be focused on entering the political mainstream through negotiated power-sharing. This is something we have consistently flagged in the church,” said a senior official of the Eastern Catholic Church of Syro Malabar, the largest Catholic church in Syro Malabar.
At the same time, the BJP is also working to redraw caste equations by allying itself with organizations such as the Sree Narayana Dharma Paripalana (SNDP) Yogam through the Bharat Dharma Jana Sena (BDJS). The effort is aimed at loosening the traditional grip of the Left and the Congress on Ezhava’s votes while also trying to reach beyond its conventional base, especially the Nairs.
LDF reach
If the BJP is trying to expand its social base, the Left Democratic Front (LDF) has recalibrated its own equations. In a notable move, he has intensified his outreach towards dominant Hindu caste groups such as the Nair (12%) and Ezhava (23%) communities, with Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan himself maintaining close ties with leaders of the Nair Service Society and SNDP Yogam.
“The Left’s focus shifted to the dominant caste Hindus after realizing that the minority communities were drifting away after the 2024 Lok Sabha elections. The behavior of the Global Ayyappa Sangamam in Pampa was a significant step in this direction. Notably, the Chief Minister did not distance himself from the leadership of the SNDP Yogam, even in the midst of severe criticism from the LDF.
United Democratic Front (UDF) is also actively involved in this high contest. While the Congress, with leaders like Ramesh Chennithala, VD Satheesan and KC Venugopal, remains a strong contender to draft Chief Minister Nair in the coming years, the party does not enjoy consolidated community support. This prompted the coalition to negotiate rapprochement with various community groups while strengthening its reach among marginalized sections.
Sunny Joseph’s appointment
The appointment of Sunny Joseph as the president of the Kerala Pradesh Congress Committee (KPCC) is seen as a key step in rebuilding the Christian nexus of both the Congress and the UDF. At the same time, indications are that sections of the Dalit and tribal communities may be leaning towards the front in this election cycle. “Their involvement with groups led by tribal leader CK Janu and Dalit thinker Sunny M Kapikkad seems to have worked in their favour,” observes a Congress veteran.
Muslim voices
Then comes the crucial factor in Kerala’s electoral arithmetic, the consolidation of Muslim votes. “The UDF has overall succeeded in consolidating Muslim votes in the northern districts, which proved to be decisive for its victory during the local body elections,” he adds.
In addition to traditional fronts, other models of social engineering have formed. Backed by the Kitex group, Twenty20 has carved a niche for itself by combining welfare delivery, grassroots development and an apolitical image, building a constituency that cuts across conventional caste and community lines. With the party now formally aligned with the BJP-led alliance, the question remains how far it can retain support across religious groups.
Not exactly new
Seasoned observers point out that this strategy of social engineering is not entirely new. Varughese George, a veteran socialist leader and currently general secretary of the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD), believes that K. Karunakaran’s era as chief minister marked the beginning of structured social engineering in electoral politics. “Karunakaran, a master politician, understood how to maintain political momentum. He cultivated close ties with community organizations like Nair Service Society and SNDP Yogam,” he notes.
However, P. Sanal Mohan, a social scientist, traces the roots even deeper into the social history of Kerala. “While the leaders of the upper-caste organizations were largely associated with the Congress, inspired by anti-colonial nationalism, a significant section of Dalits gravitated towards the Communists. Over time, as the Congress lost control over various communities and the Left evolved into a more middle-class party, the BJP emerged, inviting smaller communities to join their version of nationalism,” he explains.
‘In Test’
He adds that Kerala’s long-standing democratic socialist consensus is now being tested. “However, community organizations are increasingly moving away from this consensus in their efforts to connect with the wider Hindutva mainstream. This represents a complex and ongoing social wave. Practical political and ideological struggles are needed against this by refocusing on humanist values. That is what progressive forces must do,” he says.
Published – 03 Apr 2026 08:54 IST
