
The CPI (ML) Secretary (ML), which is part of Mahagathbandan (Grand Alliance) in Bihar, spoke to the Hindu on the desire to change the state of AO, as the opposition needed to focus on his livelihood.
One of the key achievements offered by the government Nitish Kumar is now a cash transfer of 10,000 to 25 lakh women (above and above the cash transfer). What is your view of it?
Main Minister Nitish Kumar promised £ 2 lakh on 94 lake households that earn below 6,000 GBP per month, but did not fulfill his promise, although we (CPI (ml) -la other parties) led so many agitations. Instead, he has now announced women in the name of 10,000 GBP women. According to a Bihar government survey, it is money provided to women in a state where they are highly indebted. This clearly reflected that these households must debt for their daily expenses. Microfinance companies have tremendous pressure to pay off their debt.
While cash transfer was a popular demand from women, this token gesture does not solve the real problems for which we fought. We focused on women’s workers – ASHA, Anganwadi and Jeevika; ASHA staff in Bihar received only 1,500-1,600 GBP-one of the lowest in India for ten months. In the agitations we led for them, women wanted them to be recognized as a salary and the amount increased. But that didn’t stick.
Similar to Jeevika staff. In fact, one of the greatest agitations against this government was the strike Jeevika last September-Octic. We had extensive negotiations. For vulnerable, for self-help groups, for better reward-we managed to recognize our program for fighting.
How did this perceive as the left side that focused on land reform issues, both in the MahagathBandhan alliance and in the government?
There is a demand for a common minimum program for our alliance for distribution of residential land – five decimal places in urban areas and three decimal places in rural areas for housing.
We will also come up with an additional manifesto on our part. In rural areas, especially among the agricultural landowners, this problem with land research (recently carried out by the ruling government) becomes a significant. In principle, land survey creates soil uncertainty. Land records are in complete chaos. The second is to obtain land – this is also quite the main. Many people whose land is obtained is said to the government that the country is not theirs.
This applies to the Land Reform Commission report that Mr. Kumar commissioned in his first possession, but was later fired. In this report, there was part of the soil redistribution – soil for soil. There were proposals for redistribution: 40 decimal places for cultivation, 10 decimal places for housing. The second part was the SHARECROPERS Rights and Rental Security Rights. That didn’t happen. Our party is determined to do them.
We also require APMC restoration, provision of purchase and minimum selling prices, especially for major agricultural products such as corn, vegetables, etc., for which there are no proper prices, limited processing and minimal organized public procurement beyond market dependence.
Have you recently raised concerns about land acquisition by a group of Adani in Pirpainti?
I recently visited Pirpainti and helped us get the right sense of real costs of this proposed power plant Adani. The land concerned – 1,050 acres with nearly eighty houses and lakhs from Mango, Litchi and other trees – was acquired by the Bihar government about ten years ago that ignored the objections of local people.
The shocking thing is that the government did not pay attention to the folk proposal for an alternative place that would not mean any displacement or destruction of agricultural land. When people went to the High Court in Patno, the court rejected a proposal in October 2017 and claimed that “it is a state that decides to reside for acquisitions and disabled persons who cannot make them choose any alternative place.”
Ironics is a bitter-this judgment came four years after the 2013 landing law emphasized the control of the consent of the loser land. This is a completely incorrect interpretation of the law. The awarded compensation was insufficient and diverse – different individuals gain different rates for similar soil formulas. This area is dotted with mangoes and other trees, but the values of these trees have not been taken into account when calculating the loss and compensation. The 2013 Act also grants compensation to defendants and orders the return on land to owners if it remains idle for five years after obtaining. Both of these aspects are impaired in Pirpainti.
At the time of the acquisition, this site was designed for the NTPC power plant. After remaining idle throughout these years, this land is now handed over to the Adani group for an annual rental of an assessment of only £ 1 after thirty -three years. Now, to silence the people of Pirpainti who fought for fair compensation and proper rehabilitation from this violent and fraudulent acquisitions, administration and BJP are trying to force people to subordinate. They send notifications of eviction and imprison local representatives of Panchayat and activists against the acquisition. Damage to people from Pirpainti, however, are determined to fight for justice. Local CPI (ML), CPI (M), CPI and RJD are connected in this battle.
What about the rights of migrating workers – isn’t it a critical problem?
The problem of a migrant worker is really significant. Many migrant workers from Bihar work in other countries – such as Tamil Nadu. During the elections, this anti-Bihari, anti-up rhetoric. Everything that is not so intense now, because governments are more cautious. However, the right to vote for migrant workers remains questionable.
How do you see the role of BJP in Bihar policy?
BJP is trying to penetrate Bihar in a dangerous way. But I think our challenge is essential – we need a better organization and a clearer political vision. In Bengal, we saw the situation deteriorated. Telling persecution, the way BJP plays municipal politics – all of this is calculated.
But I think the real problem is: Do we have an organization, clarity, timing to respond effectively? This determines success. In Bihar, if the government has been discredited for 20 years, it is for us to win. However, we need organized campaigns, not just reactive policy.
What are your expectations for these options?
Our party looks at the competition around 30-40 seats. We are trying to expand our base beyond our 19 constituencies that we questioned in 2020. The strike was good, especially in the south of Bihar. It wasn’t that strong in the north.
If we organized better campaigns as an opposition alliance, despite all free and disturbing the government, it is still possible to achieve greater election gains because they want change. Time is coming now. These are fundamental elections and we must make the opposition to the government.





