In July 2021, the Foreign Minister for Nityanand Rai’s internal affairs told Parliament that “the Indian government decided as a political thing not to express a different population other than the scheduled caste (SCS) and the planned tribes (STS),”. ”
In May 2025, this policy was on the head. With the BJP government on Wednesday, she decided to organize a caste census along with the upcoming census, the Mandal Caste reservation from 1989 came to a full political circle.
Also read | What is the 50% cap quota that Rahul Gandhi wants to discard?
Her echoes are aimed at the State Bihar by Minister Nityanand Rai, where surveys of the assembly will take place in a few months. Bihar has one of the largest number of other back classes in India.
While the actual data is at best opaque, UP may have the largest number of municipalities that are freely calculated on estimates based on family registers and other data. Bihar and Andhra Pradesh follow about the same percentage.
However, this list is not final. Lists of central and state municipalities differ radically. Given that state governments are constantly pruning and adding new castes, depending on political comfort, they are constantly changing. According to the National Commission of Back Kast, Bihar culminates in a country with 136 OVC, followed by 98 in West Bengal.
The political point is, who will be this enumeration advantage of the municipality? Says DM Diwakar, former director of the Sinha Institute for Social Studies, Patna, and currently associated with the Development Institute, Jalsain, Bihar: The commitment. ”
Also read | Explained! Did the modi govt the electoral board of the congress?
According to the most well -educated estimates, the CITC today represents more than 50% of the Bihar population, while Muslims, SC and upper caste each represents something near 15%. In order for political parties and coalitions to be secured by realistic chances of election success in the state, they must ensure a substantial share of voting of the Civil Code and strengthen them by supporting some other voters who are not FIG.
Bihar numbers of the Obc
Bihar’s OVC includes numerous caste groups, the largest of which are Yadavs, Nishads, Kurmis and Koeris. Yadavs, which are expected to make up around 15 % of the state population, traditionally prefer RJD led by Lalu Prasad Yadav. Nitish Kumar, the current chief Minister Bihar and leader Janata Dal (United) or JD-U, has a large base among non-Yadavian municipalities, including his own caste Kurmi, as well as the leader of Rashtriy Loktantrik Samata Ubendra Kushwaha, who has appeal between his caste.
It is important that since 2014, BJP has been allegedly consolidated between Nishads, which is expected to represent at least 10% of the state population, and thus the largest caste between extremely back -class Bihar (EBC), subcategory of the Civil Code. This led to the consolidation of BJP in the only decisive state of the Hindi belt, which denied it full of hugs.
Theoretically, it puts saffron in a strong position and relys on its own support on Nishads and some of their EBC colleagues, as well as on the upper castles that traditionally represented a reliable BJP bank.
In addition, the BJP also focuses on a part of the SCS to diversify its attractiveness-and the Lok Janasakti party, which is part of the NDA headed by Chirag Paswan, will provide support for the alliance led by the BJP from the Paswan, which will be the third third of the Bihar population. This time, however, it can be heavy for RAM Vilas Pawan Scion, which remains a large extent influenced by a reservation.
Also read | Caste Census: What does it mean, why does it matter?
In the elections to the Assembly in 2020 in Bihar, these were these factors that powered the BJP to a historically maximum of 74 assembly seats of 110 infested, which is an improvement to 53 assembly seats, which it won in 2015, approaching 75 RJD seats.
According to journalist Pranav Chaudhary, the narration of the ObC persecuted by Rahul Gandhi was bjp caught. “ The message dropped. It is a BJP that will implement the program, does not mind who demanded it earlier. ”
Elsewhere on UP, the head of SP Akhilesh Yadav tweet that the “caste decision is 100% victory of 90% PDA or” Pichre “(backward), Dalit and” Alpashankhak “(minority). Due to the combined pressure of all of us, this decision was forced. ”
A lot will depend on challenges that can face the composition in any new effort, plus the complexity of mammoth exercise.
Diwakar, however, believes that the sting of BJP’s decision was substantially softened by the Bihar Caste 2022 survey, which set the percentage of the CITC at 63.14. Of these, the EBC was 36.1%, while the CITC was bound to 27.13%.
Also read | Watch: “I told you” the posters of Rahul Gandhi outside the congress office
Elsewhere, Karnataka and Telangana also announced changes and proposals for their relevant lists of OS and reservation policies. Karnataka is considering a growing reservation of municipalities and potentially modifies the existing category. Telangana has already adopted legislation on the increase in reserve reserve, which could exceed 50 % of the Supreme Court ceiling.
The opinion continues to be divided into who gains, but the value of the citizen as a banknote of voting is unquestionable. The CITC included 52% of the country’s population according to the Mandal Commission report from 1980 and it was decided to be 41% in 2006, when the organization of national sample surveys (NSSO) occurred. There are many people who believe that municipalities can be even higher.
Whatever the BJP can do now, the fact is that Rashtriya Janata gave (RJD) the problem for the first time at the national level and gain.
The 1931 census carried out by the colonial British government also determined the number of citizens at 52% at that time 271 million inhabitants of the country. This issue became the basis of the recommendation of the Mandal Commission Commission in 1980 in order to grant 27% of the reservations of the Civil Education and Government Workforce, which was only carried out in 1990.
Some in the BJP government doubt the numbers of the collected socio-economic and caste census in 2011 (SECC) conducted by the government of Manmohan Singh, a comprehensive survey conducted in India, which aims to collect household data and their socio-economic characteristics that have never been published. The risk with such an approach is that further political expenditure can reflect the findings of the current government.
(Tagstotranslate) Bihar Options (T) Caste Census (T) Obc Enumeration (T) BJP (T) RJD (T) Political Dynamics (T) India
