The recent controversy concerning the members of the Congress and David Munnetr Kazhagam (DMK) for commenting on the lifestyle of the former Chief Minister K. Kamarla, caused the National Party supporters to remember the bitter episodes in the long and problematic history of her relationship with the predatian major.
In 1971, both sides first met to face public opinion surveys when the elections of Lok Sabha and the assembly were held at the same time. At that time there were two congress parties – Congress (decisions or props) and Congress (organization) – as a result of the famous division in 1969. Prime Minister Indira Gandhi was the face of Congress (R), while Jagjivan RAM was president of the party. In Congress (O) he was the former main Minister of Karnataka S. NijalingAppa by the boss and friend, his main force in Tamil Nadu.
K. Kamaraj. | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | Photo Credit: Hindic Archives
Before Lok Sabha was dissolved at the end of December 1970, DMK, which came to power in March 1967 after the threshing of Congress at Hustings, approached the congress (R). In 1969, Davidian Major supported the VV Giri candidacy, who had indirect support for the Prime Minister and its supporters in the presidential election. Giri eventually won and defeated the official candidate of Congress N. Sanjiva Reddy. In the DMK parliament, the Union Government measures, which were considered progressive in the 1960s-the national of the bank and the abolition of primary purses (constitutionally in the minority in the center, was limited to the minority and had a minority dependent on a minority and had a minority.
After meeting with Prime Minister in Nový Delhi 31. Four days later, interview with reporters after the official communication of the abolition of the assembly, the main minister said that frequent elections would lead to “administrative stagnation and come into the way of performing programs and politicians that have already decided on people (Hindu, January 5, 1971)”. The members of the Party’s Executive and General Council were of the opinion that even though the current ministry could continue for one more year, it would be advisable to have both elections at the same time in the greater interest of people, ”added the report, quoting Karunanidhi.
On the opposition queue, deprivation of their 30 -year rivalry in politics, friend and founder of Swatantara Party, C. Rajagopalachari (Rajaji or CR), they joined to throw DMK out of power. In the previous elections to the Assembly, the CR was responsible for quilting an impressive coalition against Congress, which lost power in the poll. On this background, DMK decided to connect with Congress (R) in a state that had a leader, including C. Subramaniam (CS) and RV Swaminathan (RVS). At that time, Congress (R) was considered weaker than Congress (O), which commanded the loyalty to most of the rank and ensemble.
C. Rajagopalachari, founder of Swatantra, with M. Karunanidhi, main minister, 20 July 1971. Photo Credit: Hindic Archives
Although DMK and Congress (R) decided to face voters together, they hit the roadblocks about seat sharing, both in the number and selection of constituents. Congress (R) began to seek 20 seats of Lok Sabha and 67 seats, a requirement for the ruling party in the state to allow. DMK, who was initially willing to assign six Lok Sabha and 20 National Party mounting seats, had to accommodate five other parties in their coalition and were the Communist Party of India (CPI), Praja Socialist Party (PSP), Tamil Arasa Kazhagam (Tak), Bloc and Muslim League. So he sent his Minister of Industrial Minister S. Madhavan to Delhi to meet the Prime Minister, but remained unresolved because he could not meet Indira Gandhi, who was busy with “her party affairs and visiting the Canadian Prime Minister (Pierre Elliott Trudeau).
A visit to Chennai did not help a matter a week later. On Raj Bhavan, together with CS, an hour meeting with Karunanidhi, VR Nedunchezhian, who was not. 2 in the cabinet and the Secretary General of DMK and Madhavan. Supremo DMK told reporters after the meeting that the conversations were “satisfactory, even though they progressed slowly and steadily”, while the Prime Minister indicated his “hands” approach to this issue. “People here are able to settle these matters themselves,” she said (Hind, 20 January 1971). Interestingly, she received a memorandum from KS Ekambarama, Minister of District Units South Madras of her Party, in which she appointed her permission for the state unit to fight the elections alone, unless Dravidian Major did not give a “considerable number” of the seats for Lok Sabha and the State Assembly.
C. Subramaniam. File | Photo Credit: Hindic Archives
Given that during interviews with DMK there was no breakthrough, the TNCC (R) work committee (R) at the emergency meeting a few days later asked the party to take “serious steps” to attack the elections either alone or in alliances with other “progressive parties”. The state unit urged the competition for 12 Lok Sabha seats. At the same time, there was no working committee for a complete break with DMK.
On the night of January 24, the ruling party in the state announced its first list of candidates for 169 gatherings and 26 Lok Sabha constituents, although the process of filing nomination documents began. On the same day, Congress (R) came out with a list of seven seats Lok Sabha and the list included CS for Coimbatore and RVS for Sivagang. Subramanaim even stated that his party was planning to attack 12 to 15 Lok Sabha constituencies and the rejection of four constituencies – Coimbatore, Tiruchengode, Sivagang and Chengalpath – led his party to release her list. Three days later Karunanidhi announced that the lecture with Congress (R) failed. He added that his party offered them 9 Lok Sabha seats and 15 mounting seats, while the other side followed its demand for 10 Lok Sabha and 20 mounting seats.
Meanwhile, the Officials Section in Congress (R) began to criticize the attitude of CS and RV on the question of seat sharing. KT Kosalram, who was a member of the State Assembly between 1946 and 1967 (and later elected from the former Tiruchendur Lok Sabha, three times (1977, 1980 and 1984)), decided to end the post of Secretary General of the State Unit as a protest against his seniors. According to these newspapers on January 28, he both accused the fact that “they were only concerned about their seats” without having the “interests of the cadres” in providing the chair.
When Congress (R) seemed to be planned to divide on his travels with the Davidian major, the conversations between the two sides were restored on the night of January 29. Advisor-Cum-Trouble-Shooter G. Parharathi, who wanted to separate 20 gatherings and 10 Lok Sabha seats for a party. He told them he wouldn’t be able to share any installation seat, but weighed the all other seats Lok Sabha. On January 30, he came shocking that Congress (R), even though he had concluded an agreement with the DMK, decided to give up his claim to the seat of the Assembly. However, it would compete on 10 Lok Sabha seats including Puduchherry. The pact for this effect was signed by RVS and Neduchezhian. How CS knew that there would be sections that would consider him responsible for understanding, he decided to decide from the election race, the decision that in his commemorative hand fate (volume 3) (which was released in 2010, ten years after the death of CS), he attributed “my disagreement with Indira Gandhi by Karunanidhi.” However, his explanation in 1971 was that he should not associate with any specific constituency, but to focus on the party’s election campaign and propaganda. However, Swaminathan had no such sum. So he entered Fray in Madurai. The remaining eight seats were: Tirutanni, Cuddalore, Tindivanam, Mettur, Krishnagiri, Karur, Sivakasi and Tenkasi.
Karunanidhi, who confirmed the agreement as a “great victory”, pointed out that in five out of 10 seats assigned to congress she originally appointed her candidates, but as a continuation of the agreement, DMK will withdraw his nominated. CS acknowledged that the party workers could be “understanding” as a result, but expressed hope that “they appreciated that the decision was taken on the Council and with the consent of the Congress (R) of High Command,” he said.
As expected, they witnessed noisy scenes in the Congress State Unit (R) when they arrived Subramaniam and Swaminathan. Some members shouted “shame, shame” and “down, down with CS and RVS”. The Subramaniam press conference was interrupted by some party members who demanded why the DMK offer was accepted. A few days later, D. Sanjivayya, Minister of Trade unions, came to Chennai as the envoy of the congress president (R) to explore the possibility of ensuring the “reasonable number of seats” for his party, but his mission ended in failure because he could not meet Karunanidhi. N V. Natarajan. The Minister of Labor called the visiting leader and told him that Karunanidhi felt “embarrassing”- to meet him and say “no”. The position of DMK was that the seat adjustments would be possible in the early stages, but “now it was too late to do anything,” he wrote Hindu 4 February. At about the same time, Swaminathan said a press conference that he had signed an agreement with the DMK “On the example of the party command.”
February 14, during her visit to Hyderabad, Indra Gandhi, in interaction with journalists, marked as “unfortunate” agreement of her party with DMK in Tamil Nada and said, “The phone lines were down and all things happened at the same time.” The next day, in Tiruch, Karunanidhi agreed to declare the prime minister that “telephone lines were down”.
All the controversy was forgotten when people used the state in March 1971. The front part of the DMK led all except one Lok Sabha (Nergercoil) seat, which won a friend. As for the vote of the assembly, the coalition caused a crushing defeat on the alliance sought by Kamarai and CR, because the Davidian Major himself packed 184 chairs, a record that remains unrivaled for each side. In addition, the allies of the ruling party received 21 seats.
When Congress (R) got a vast majority at the level of India, Indra Gandhi took CS again in her cabinet in April and Subramaniam re -entered Lok Sabha after four years when she was elected from Krishnagiri. RVS had to wait nine years to become a trade union. In 1980-83 he served as Minister of Agriculture for Agriculture, when he was prime minister Indra Gandhi.
