What will Donald Trump do? Ten years after he became a Republican front-Runner, this is still an urgent question. In the upset era, Mr. Trump has an unrivaled genius for abandoning attention. And for Reimag’s presidential power. His second inauguration took place in Capitol’s Rotunda, in the same place where his supporters four years ago hit the police in the face. The power he used to forgive Rioters Capitol on January 20 was originally designed to join the nation: forgive the political opponents, not the President supporters (or members of the departing President’s family). But that was the Convention, not the law of AS Mr. Trump in power, the convention ended.
Historians speak of a 19 -century long 19th century in 1914. Just when the 20th century ended, it is questionable in this sense. But it’s over. Mr. Trump is still limited by some of the oldest institutions in America, including federalism and courts. But he threw many of the recent ones. Reforms of Watergate management are no longer valid. The consensus that America should be a benign superpower was born after 1945. And Mr. Trump wants more: see America relaxed, liberated from standards, political correctness, bureaucracy and in some cases even by law. There is something old and new, ideology from the era of rail preparation mixed with the ambition to plant the flag on Mars.
From the 19th century comes the idea that the border should always expand, including the territory of other countries. “We take it back,” Mr. Trump from the Panama canal growled in his inauguration. America must be a “growing nation”, he added that “it increases our wealth and expands our territory.” Although it can reflect enthusiasm, the presidents have not spoken for centuries. The only one of his predecessors spent Mr. Trump whenever he spent in his speech was the “great president” of William McKinley, whose term began in 1897. Trump is not a reader of the presidential biography. It is not appropriate for bimetalism to become a question of the day (although he and the first lady now have their own competing currencies). But it was a revealing choice.
McKinley was an imperialist who added Hawaii, Guam, Philippines and Puerto Rico. McKinley also loved tariffs, at least initially. Before he was the president, Congress prompted to approve an account to increase them to 50%, which is a level exceeding Mr. Trump’s plans. He was also supported by commercial Titans of that time: JP Morgan and John D. Rockefeller donated about $ 8 million in his campaign today.
Mr. Trump imagines the new “golden age”, so it resembles a gilded age, at least superficially. Mr. Trump wants to be so burdened with the standards of the 20th century. However, the Presidency of the 21st century is much stronger. The 1897 project is combined with the 2025 project.
McKinley ruled when the federal government had 150,000 employees, much less than the new government department could ever dream. Mr. Trump’s powerful branch, on the other hand, directly employs 4.3 million people, including 1.3 million men and uniform women. The President has the most powerful military power ever gathered. As a share in the GDP Federal government, it spends nine times more than it was in the age of 20. In order to fight two world wars in the 20th century and end racial segregation, the powerful branch has accumulated more and more power. ARTHUR Schlesinger described this presidency as “imperial” at the age of 70. It was meant as a slurter: Modern America did not do an empire. But now he has an imperial president who writes enemies to conquer not only abroad but also at home.
Mr. Trump means turning the immense power of the Presidency in and out to dominate America, because no other president has had any other president from World War II. Politics is in its favor. Given that America has become more guerrillas, adopting laws in Congress has become harder. In his first term of office, the new president showed that when the congress is evenly divided, the threat of the indictment no longer works as a practical restriction.
This long shift of power from the congress has left the court and in charge. The key rules for abortion, climate change, positive measures, campaign financing and freedom of speech were set by the president or judges. It was the Supreme Court that ruled that presidents were immune to the prosecution for official actions, which means that any coin of the meme that launched the President before taking the office, they will not concern the clause of the enjoyment.
On the one hand, there is a clash between Mr. Trump and his pen and judges and their gavely on the other. How the new administration tests, how far it can stretch the law – to deploy an army against the “invasion” of immigrants, or the conversion of the Ministry of Justice against the enemies of Mr. Trump – are inevitable battles. Mr. Trump seems to enjoy the prospect. His executive order, which is trying to end the citizenship of birth, is obviously unconstitutional and is likely to be affected. But if that is the case, Mr. Trump claims that the elites wearing robuts thwart the will of the people who have chosen him. His supporters gather around – and choose another fight.
Today McKinley in the state of Denali
Mr. Trump is not unusual in that he wants to expand the power of the executive – many ambitious (and some great) presidents have done so. It certainly won’t win. The courts are not the only obstacle. Try how he could disrupt and intimidate bureaucracy, it is a sovereign good delay. States and cities operated by Democrats resist him. He will have to deal with divisions in his team, his own character as reality.
Mr. Trump proved to be an adept when the old order is lost, but it is not clear what will replace it. We hope to maintain its promises to streamline the US government, its economy more vivid and its borders safe. But the much worse result is also credible. Either way, the remaining checks and the balances of America are about to test.
© 2025, The Economist Newspaper Ltd. All rights reserved. From The Economist, published on the basis of a license. The original content can be found at www.conomist.com
(Tagstotranslate) US Politics
